‘Looking Backward’ to the Future

This piece is the second entry in our new series “Noticing People and Things,” where we feature insightful observations about human psychology, behavior, society, and culture from nonscientists—philosophers, authors, poets, and artists—often from the past.

Background on Edward Bellamy and Looking Backward: 2000–1887

[Jump to the excerpt]

When American author and journalist Edward Bellamy published his utopian novel Looking Backward: 2000–1887 in 1888, he didn’t know that it would be one of the best-selling books of the era; that it would inspire political groups around the world; or that it would influence the thinking of some of the most prominent intellectuals of the time.

All this he didn’t know. But he did know that the slums, sweatshops, and unsafe factories he observed as America industrialized in the second half of the nineteenth century, alongside the skyrocketing wealth of a handful of men, couldn’t represent the pinnacle of human society; there had to be something better.

One of the fundamental ways we misperceive the world is by believing that the ways things are is the way they have to be; that the world as it is today reflects the natural order of things. Looking Backward was Bellamy’s attempt to help people avoid falling into this cognitive quicksand. Because if the way things are is the way they have to be, what use is there trying to change them? Or, even if change is possible, you’re constrained by the “nature of things,” so there is only so much you can do. Through the novel, Bellamy imagined what the world could be in the year 2000, if humans realized their rational and moral potential, and hoped to inspire readers to work toward achieving it.

The lead character in Looking Backward is Julian West, a well-to-do thirty-something living in Boston who falls into a deep sleep in 1887 and wakes up over a century later in the year 2000. When West comes to, he discovers a utopian society, free from war and economic and social injustice, and full of community and solidarity. As the novel unfurls, West learns chapter by chapter how society has been organized in order to achieve this.

There is a guaranteed income (similar to a universal basic income); work is tied to motivation and duty as opposed to external incentives; and the good life is found through relationships rather than material consumption. And of course West is tasked with explaining to those in 2000 what things were like in the nineteenth century—they find it hard to believe society could have ever tolerated such inequality and injustice. (And like any good science fiction author, Bellamy was the first to dream up several inventions, including the clock radio and the idea of a payment card—there is a monument to the credit card in Russia with Bellamy’s name on it.)

Looking Backward was a surprise best-seller, and the utopian society Bellamy imagined had a significant influence on political thought in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. More than 160 “Bellamy Clubs” were founded around the United States with the aim of bringing to fruition the ideas in the book. In the Netherlands, a group similarly inspired formed the Dutch Bellamy Party. Leading intellectuals and politicians counted the novel as a must-read, including President Franklin Roosevelt, John Dewey, and Russian novelist Leo Tolstoy, who remarked that it was an “exceedingly remarkable book.”

In his foreword to the 1960 printing of the novel, German social psychologist and psychoanalyst Erich Fromm observed that while modern readers might associate visions of the future with George Orwell and Aldous Huxley’s dystopias, “Americans at the end of the 19th century were willing to believe in, and capable of believing in, a society, that fulfill the promises and hopes that are at the root of our whole Western civilization.”

It was most certainly the allure of the ideas in Looking Backward that inspired so many readers, rather than the quality of its plot. The novel is a didactic back and forth between West and his new acquaintances about how society functions today versus how it functioned in the past with a love story tacked on. Nevertheless, Looking Backward remains a fun and worthwhile read, particularly for its ability to inspire readers of any generation to rethink what they take as natural in order to imagine what is possible.

In the excerpt below—the opening passage of the novel—Bellamy’s protagonist tries to paint a picture of what life was like in 1887 for those in 2000 by describing the inequality of the era. What does it mean that we, as readers in the twenty-first century, can see our current society in Bellamy’s analogy?

— Evan Nesterak, Editor-in-Chief

P.S.—An interesting side note is that Bellamy’s brother Francis is credited with editing and popularizing the Pledge of Allegiance.


Looking Backward: 2000–1887

I first saw the light in the city of Boston in the year 1857. “What!” you say. “Eighteen fifty-seven? That is an odd slip. He means nineteen fifty-seven, of course.” I beg pardon, but there is no mistake. It was about four in the afternoon of December the 26th, one day after Christmas, in the year 1857, not 1957, that I first breathed the east wind of Boston, which, I assure the reader, was at that remote period marked by the same penetrating quality characterizing it in the present year of grace, 2000.

These statements seem so absurd on their face, especially when I add that I am a young man apparently of about thirty years of age, that no person can be blamed for refusing to read another word of what promises to be a mere imposition upon his credulity. Nevertheless I earnestly assure the reader that no imposition is intended, and will undertake, if he shall follow me a few pages, to entirely convince him of this. If I may, then, provisionally assume, with the pledge of justifying the assumption, that I know better than the reader when I was born, I will go on with my narrative. As every schoolboy knows, in the latter part of the nineteenth century the civilization of to-day, or anything like it, did not exist, although the elements which were to develop it were already in ferment. Nothing had, however, occurred to modify the immemorial division of society into the four classes, or nations, as they may be more fitly called, since the differences between them were far greater than those between any nations nowadays, of the rich and the poor, the educated and the ignorant. I myself was rich and also educated, and possessed, therefore, all the elements of happiness enjoyed by the most fortunate in that age. Living in luxury, and occupied only with the pursuit of the pleasures and refinements of life, I derived the means of my support from the labor of others, rendering no sort of service in return. My parents and grandparents had lived in the same way, and I expected that my descendants, if I had any, would enjoy a like easy existence.

But how could I live without service to the world? you ask. Why should the world have supported in utter idleness one who was able to render service? The answer is that my great-grandfather had accumulated a sum of money on which his descendants had ever since lived. The sum, you will naturally infer, must have been very large not to have been exhausted in supporting three generations in idleness. This, however, was not the fact. The sum had been originally by no means large. It was, in fact, much larger now that three generations had been supported upon it in idleness, than it was at first. This mystery of use without consumption, of warmth without combustion, seems like magic, but was merely an ingenious application of the art now happily lost but carried to great perfection by your ancestors, of shifting the burden of one’s support on the shoulders of others. The man who had accomplished this, and it was the end all sought, was said to live on the income of his investments. To explain at this point how the ancient methods of industry made this possible would delay us too much. I shall only stop now to say that interest on investments was a species of tax in perpetuity upon the product of those engaged in industry which a person possessing or inheriting money was able to levy. It must not be supposed that an arrangement which seems so unnatural and preposterous according to modern notions was never criticized by your ancestors. It had been the effort of lawgivers and prophets from the earliest ages to abolish interest, or at least to limit it to the smallest possible rate. All these efforts had, however, failed, as they necessarily must so long as the ancient social organizations prevailed. At the time of which I write, the latter part of the nineteenth century, governments had generally given up trying to regulate the subject at all.

By way of attempting to give the reader some general impression of the way people lived together in those days, and especially of the relations of the rich and poor to one another, perhaps I cannot do better than to compare society as it then was to a prodigious coach which the masses of humanity were harnessed to and dragged toilsomely along a very hilly and sandy road. The driver was hunger, and permitted no lagging, though the pace was necessarily very slow. Despite the difficulty of drawing the coach at all along so hard a road, the top was covered with passengers who never got down, even at the steepest ascents. These seats on top were very breezy and comfortable. Well up out of the dust, their occupants could enjoy the scenery at their leisure, or critically discuss the merits of the straining team. Naturally such places were in great demand and the competition for them was keen, every one seeking as the first end in life to secure a seat on the coach for himself and to leave it to his child after him. By the rule of the coach a man could leave his seat to whom he wished, but on the other hand there were many accidents by which it might at any time be wholly lost. For all that they were so easy, the seats were very insecure, and at every sudden jolt of the coach persons were slipping out of them and falling to the ground, where they were instantly compelled to take hold of the rope and help to drag the coach on which they had before ridden so pleasantly. It was naturally regarded as a terrible misfortune to lose one’s seat, and the apprehension that this might happen to them or their friends was a constant cloud upon the happiness of those who rode.

But did they think only of themselves? you ask. Was not their very luxury rendered intolerable to them by comparison with the lot of their brothers and sisters in the harness, and the knowledge that their own weight added to their toil? Had they no compassion for fellow beings from whom fortune only distinguished them? Oh, yes, commiseration was frequently expressed by those who rode for those who had to pull the coach, especially when the vehicle came to a bad place in the road, as it was constantly doing, or to a particularly steep hill. At such times, the desperate straining of the team, their agonized leaping and plunging under the pitiless lashing of hunger, the many who fainted at the rope and were trampled in the mire, made a very distressing spectacle, which often called forth highly creditable displays of feeling on the top of the coach. At such times the passengers would call down encouragingly to the toilers of the rope, exhorting them to patience, and holding out hopes of possible compensation in another world for the hardness of their lot, while others contributed to buy salves and liniments for the crippled and injured. It was agreed that it was a great pity that the coach should be so hard to pull, and there was a sense of general relief when the specially bad piece of road was gotten over. This relief was not, indeed, wholly on account of the team, for there was always some danger at these bad places of a general overturn in which all would lose their seats.

It must in truth be admitted that the main effect of the spectacle of the misery of the toilers at the rope was to enhance the passengers’ sense of the value of their seats upon the coach, and to cause them to hold on to them more desperately than before. If the passengers could only have felt assured that neither they nor their friends would ever fall from the top, it is probable that, beyond contributing to the funds for liniments and bandages, they would have troubled themselves extremely little about those who dragged the coach.

I am well aware that this will appear to the men and women of the twentieth century an incredible inhumanity, but there are two facts, both very curious, which partly explain it. In the first place, it was firmly and sincerely believed that there was no other way in which Society could get along, except the many pulled at the rope and the few rode, and not only this, but that no very radical improvement even was possible, either in the harness, the coach, the roadway, or the distribution of the toil. It had always been as it was, and it always would be so. It was a pity, but it could not be helped, and philosophy forbade wasting compassion on what was beyond remedy.

The other fact is yet more curious, consisting in a singular hallucination which those on the top of the coach generally shared, that they were not exactly like their brothers and sisters who pulled at the rope, but of finer clay, in some way belonging to a higher order of beings who might justly expect to be drawn. This seems unaccountable, but, as I once rode on this very coach and shared that very hallucination, I ought to be believed. The strangest thing about the hallucination was that those who had but just climbed up from the ground, before they had outgrown the marks of the rope upon their hands, began to fall under its influence. As for those whose parents and grandparents before them had been so fortunate as to keep their seats on the top, the conviction they cherished of the essential difference between their sort of humanity and the common article was absolute. The effect of such a delusion in moderating fellow feeling for the sufferings of the mass of men into a distant and philosophical compassion is obvious. To it I refer as the only extenuation I can offer for the indifference which, at the period I write of, marked my own attitude toward the misery of my brothers.


Excerpted from Looking Backward: 2000–1887 by Edward Bellamy. Published 1888. Now in the public domain.